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Becoming Human: A Theory of Ontogeny
FUKADA C.
Q4
AM I UNDERSTOOD?: PASSIVIZATION AND FOREGROUNDING
SAKAMOTO A., MCMANUS K.M.
Q4
ARGUMENT ELLIPSIS AND NP-NI IN INDIRECT PASSIVES
KOBAYASHI R.
Q4
DISCOURSE PATIENT PARADOXES
MIYAKOSHI K.
Q4
This article has two objectives: (i) to show paradoxes about the so-called "discourse patient," and (ii) to propose an analysis that resolves them. The discourse patient is a sentential element whose referent is construed as being affected in some discourse, and which is not licensed by the verb. The present study points out that it behaves puzzlingly in three respects, which raises paradoxes at the levels of (a) language-internal consistency, (b) cross-linguistic variation, and (c) putative universal uniformity. This paper illustrates these paradoxes with resultatives and passives in English and Japanese, and argues for an analysis that resolves them all. The main claim is that they are resolved by combining five general principles (ones governing (I) the orientedness of event construal, (II) hierarchical conceptualization, (III) isomorphic form-meaning linking, (IV) the typology of passives, and (V) grammatical extensions), together with two language-particular specifications (ones about (A) the available types of passives and (B) the prominent modes of construal in the respective grammars), which are all motivated independently.
BENEFACTIVE ADVERBIAL CONSTRUCTIONS IN JAPANESE: A COMPARISON WITH ENGLISH
MIYAKOSHI K.
Q4
Japanese has apparently peculiar expressions like Suteeki-o oisi-ku tabe-ta 'lit. (I) ate the steak tastily.' They exhibit several characteristic properties, a particularly puzzling one of which is the semantic restriction on the adverbial: it must denote a positive sensation (e.g., even if the steak tasted unpleasant, one cannot describe it grammatically with the adverbial form of an adjective like mazui 'untasty'). This brief article addresses questions about the nature of these expressions, focusing primarily on the riddle: Where does this mysterious restriction on the adverbial come from? It also makes a comparison with English, which has no such constructions, and considers what is responsible for their (un)availability.
Rethinking Morphology
NAGANO A.
Q4
Word Order Change
IBARAKI S.
Q4
LABELING IN INVERSION CONSTRUCTIONS
MAEDA M.
Q4
This study investigates labeling in inversion constructions including locative inversion, as-inversion, so-inversion, and comparative inversion. I argue that in inverted focus constructions, where the subject stays in the vP-internal position, the complement YP of an {XP, YP} structure should undergo movement or ellipsis to avoid labeling failure. Furthermore, the absence of subject movement in inversion constructions may cause a problem for the weak T in English, which needs spec-head agreement to be strengthened. I propose that T that lacks the φ-agreeing element within TP should undergo internal pair-Merge to C, creating either or . This assumption is examined in terms of the visibility of T regarding subject-aux inversion, sentential negation and VP-ellipsis.
AN IN-SITU ANALYSIS OF WHY-STRIPPING
KIMURA H.
Q4
This paper examines whether the remnant in elliptical constructions must move out of the deletion site, focusing on Why-Stripping, an elliptical construction with why and a non-wh-remnant. Showing that Why-Stripping has the same structure as a why-question containing an in-situ focus, this paper proposes an in-situ analysis of Why-Stripping in which why is base-generated outside the deletion site while the non-wh-remnant stays inside the deletion site. It provides novel arguments for the view that the remnant in elliptical constructions can stay inside the deletion site.
Composing Questions
IMANISHI Y.
Q4
A SHORT NOTE ON ENGLISH LONG AND THE WHY OF NEGATIVE POLARITY
KAYNE R.S.
Q4
English bare long appears to be a negative polarity item. But a more revealing way to think of it is to say that bare long just needs something to be present that can carry it along, within its containing DP, to a pre-indefinite article position. Negation is one such something; degree words are another. Bare long differs in this respect from a long time, with a long time showing no need for either negation or a degree word. The reason is that a long time contains no silent TIME in need of licensing. The apparent negative polarity character of bare long is a side effect of its containing TIME.
Explorations in English Historical Syntax
KUME Y.
Q4
THE UNIFORM HYPOTHESIS OF NI-PASSIVES IN JAPANESE AND MOVEMENT INTO θ-POSITION
KOBAYASHI R.
Q4
In Japanese, it is hotly debated whether two variants of the so-called ni-passives—direct and indirect passives—are derived in the same way. This question can be rephrased as whether we need to postulate two types of -rares: one that assigns a θ-role to its external argument in indirect passives and another that lacks external θ, allowing object-to-subject promotion in direct passives. I focus on ni-direct-passives and provide new data supporting the Uniform Hypothesis, which states that there is only one passive -rare in Japanese.
NATIVE SPEAKERS ARE CREATIVE AND CONSERVATIVE: WHAT EXPLAIN ME THIS REVEALS ABOUT THE NATURE OF LINGUISTIC KNOWLEDGE
HIRASAWA S., NISHIMURA Y.
Q4
Since its publication in 2019, Adele E. Goldberg's Explain Me This has attracted the attention of not only linguists and psychologists of diverse theoretical persuasions but also a broad readership interested in what it means to be a native speaker of a language such as English—for good reason. We start off by providing a detailed summary of the book to give an idea of what makes it as convincing and thought-provoking as it is. We then attempt to place some of its core ideas and implications in a broader context by setting them against their counterparts in other prominent theories.
GENITIVE SUBJECTS IN MONGOLIAN EXCLAMATIVES
BAO L., SHULUN, MAKI H.
Q4
ANALYSIS OF SUBJECT CONTACT RELATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS BASED ON SPLIT FEATURE INHERITANCE
MATSUYAMA T.
Q4
This study examines the structure of subject contact relatives (SCRs) as exemplified by There's a man lives in China. Several problems with Doherty's (1994, 2000) relative clause (RC) analysis are identified, after which a truncated SCR structure is proposed instead that projects as far as Finite Phrase (FinP) in Rizzi's (1997) fine-grained CP system. Following Citko et al.'s (2018) split feature inheritance, we assume that the SCR's Fin gives its φ-features to T but keeps its EPP feature. The remaining EPP feature is checked off by the antecedent directly merged in Spec-FinP, and the T's φ-features are valued by an empty subject. This analysis accounts for several facts that earlier analyses of SCRs have difficulties capturing.
IS ELLIPSIS TOPICALIZATION?
NAGATSUGU K.
Q4
IMPLICATURES OF VOCATIVES AND THEIR THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS
HIRATA I.
Q4
Vocatives (terms for calling and addressing) have been studied from various perspectives but there has been little research on them from the viewpoint of Gricean implicatures. The goal of the present paper is to show that a new light can be shed on vocatives by looking at them from the perspective of Gricean implicatures. After reviewing previous works on vocatives in terms of conventional implicatures and generalized conversational implicatures, I point out that there is a systematic way of yielding particularized conversational implicatures in vocatives. I argue that they are metaphoric in nature and can be captured by the Cooperative Principle and the first maxim of quality. Some theoretical implications of the findings are also discussed.
