Cobalt

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Authoritarian Securitisation and Moral Panic: The Discourse and Role of the Senate in the 2023 Thai Election

Raymond G.V.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2025, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

In Thailand's 2023 election, an appointed Senate controlled who became prime minister. To better understand the thinking of key actors in this critical moment, this paper examines the discourse of senators who publicly commented prior to the 13 July joint sitting of the Thai parliament, where election-winning candidate Pita Limcharoenrat was blocked. This paper argues that the two predominant narratives justifying the veto, protecting Thailand's lèse-majesté law and guarding against chaos and conflict, can be analysed in four dimensions: affective, strategic, coordinative and communicative. Affectively, the narratives reflected moral panic in relation to the youth-led change in attitudes towards the monarchy. Strategically, the narratives protected elite interests via securitisation, in which a state of severe threat is invoked and used to justify extreme policies. Coordinatively, the narratives signalled to elites the costs of transgression and communicatively, they conveyed to broader Thai society the potential for conservative-sponsored street protest.

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Flirting with Autocracy in Indonesia: Jokowi's Majoritarianism and its Democratic Legacy

Mietzner M.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2025, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

After ruling Indonesia for a decade, Joko Widodo (or popularly called "Jokowi") left the presidency in 2024 amid a heated debate over his democratic record. While his high approval ratings indicated support in the broader population, pro-democracy activists were scathing. Indeed, under his presidency, many democratic achievements of previous periods eroded. Yet democracy, however damaged, survived Jokowi's rule. This article adds to scholarship on this outcome of a harmed but enduring Indonesian democracy. It looks at how Jokowi's majoritarian thinking led him to undermine democracy when he felt he had the majority's support for his actions. Believing that democracy is doing what the majority wants, approves, or tolerates, he used polls to identify segments of democracy he could attack. At the same time, his majoritarianism also set him limits: if a majority was opposed, he retreated. This left Indonesia with a declining democracy, but one that did not cross over into fully authoritarian territory.

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The Indo-Pacific and the Next Phase of ASEAN Centrality

Qiao-Franco G., Karmazin A., Kolmaš M.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

The concept of “ASEAN centrality” emerged in the aftermath of the Cold War but renewed power rivalries in the Indo-Pacific have put its relevance under scrutiny. This study contributes to the debate on the continuity of ASEAN centrality by examining major powers’ willingness to adhere to and engage with ASEAN-led mechanisms, which we argue will have a decisive impact on the dominant form of the organisation of regional order. Our analysis shows that the major powers – China, the European Union, India, Japan, and the United States – subscribe to an enhanced role for ASEAN in the economic realm but do not see the mechanism as the first resort in political and security cooperation. ASEAN centrality is hard to continue, although a possible way out for ASEAN is to leverage its in-between position to help diffuse tensions so major powers have a stake in maintaining its centrality.

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Myanmar’s Post-Coup Foreign Policy and Alignment Behavior: Assessing the Agency of a “Pariah State”

Passeri A.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

The article scrutinizes the impact of the 2021 military coup and ensuing civil war on Myanmar's foreign policy, by looking at the degree of agency retained by Naypyidaw in its alignment choices vis-à-vis great powers. The investigation shows that despite a highly deteriorated strategic environment marked by Western isolation and the revival of the country's status as a “pariah state,” post-coup Myanmar still exhibits agency and autonomy in its alignment behavior. This ability is evidenced in the evolution of Naypyidaw's hedging strategy after the putsch, which saw the junta engaging Russia, Japan, and India to fill the power gap prompted by the retreat of Western stakeholders and find new counterweights to China's influence. Accordingly, such resolve in preserving the country's nonaligned posture serves as a stark reminder that regardless of their intrinsic deficiencies, weak actors like Myanmar often opt for nuanced alignment blueprints, alternatives to both balancing and bandwagoning.

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Elite Perceptions of a China-Led Regional Order in Southeast Asia

Ho S., Lee T.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

How do Southeast Asian states perceive a China-led regional order? To answer this question, we conducted a survey of elites from Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam, countries that are “least likely” to acquiesce to a China-led regional order. Our survey indicates that although most elites view China as influential and have a cultural affinity with it, they do not perceive China as having the authority to preside over the regional order. They do not identify with China's political values and the normative order it propounds. Our survey also reveals the salience of ASEAN as the region navigates great power rivalry. We explain these views by drawing from the concept of legitimate authority. Our findings are significant; if China cannot persuade its Southeast Asian neighbours of its right to lead, it will be even harder for China to exercise global leadership.

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The Contestation of National Adaptation Policies in Indonesia

Apresian S.R.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

Indonesia actively supports the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to achieve the Global Goal on Adaptation by setting ambitious climate change adaptation pledges in its Nationally Determined Contributions. This paper explores the implementation of those adaptation commitments within a polycentric governance structure in Indonesia. There is a debate about whether polycentric institutions help or hinder the effectiveness of adaptation outcomes. The question remains, why is the implementation of climate change adaptation policies in Indonesia ineffective? This paper argues that the contestation between the National Development Planning Agency and the Ministry of Environment and Forestry, as two dominant ministries in adaptation, has beset the polycentric structure of adaptation governance in Indonesia and resulted in ineffective adaptation policy implementation. Moreover, the polycentric adaptation governance is ineffective because Indonesia is still facing problems in coordination, collaboration, policy learning, leadership, resource distribution, and dispersion of power.

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Securitisation, Scapegoat, Identity Politics: Why Did President Duterte Mark Record-High Approval Ratings Despite His Failure to Combat the COVID-19 Pandemic?

Adachi K.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

This paper delves into the Philippines’ response to the COVID-19 pandemic, focusing on the enforcement of a rigorous lockdown and the paradoxical rise in President Rodrigo Duterte's approval despite the virus's unmitigated spread. While conventional analyses lean on securitisation to explain military involvement in pandemic control, this paper argues that COVID-19 was not securitised in the Philippines. Instead, the government targeted the “pasaway” (undisciplined) as a supposed threat to national security, employing identity politics. By presenting the undisciplined as adversaries, the government garnered support from perceived “good citizens.” Despite human rights concerns and a lack of evidence linking the undisciplined to virus transmission, the narrative of cracking down on them garnered widespread approval. This challenges traditional securitisation explanations, suggesting that the emphasis on a “scapegoated enemy” and identity politics played a pivotal role in shaping public perception and elevating presidential approval ratings.

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Centralised Development and Inactive Business Sector: A Case of Nakhon Si Thammarat City Municipality

Arporn V., Khompot S., Marddent A.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

This article examines the relationship between the business sector and the policymaking of Nakhon Si Thammarat City Municipality in Southern Thailand. We find that business influence on local policy remains highly limited. We argue that this is primarily due to two factors: political and economic centralisation which limits the capacity of the municipal government, and the limited economic opportunities for medium and large businesses within the municipal borders. The result is that medium and large firms tend to focus their attention on and cultivate links with officials at the provincial and national level. At the same time, small businesses have expanded in the municipality. However, their inability to coordinate to make collective demands limits their influence on municipal policymaking. Instead, small entrepreneurs individually lobby the local government through the same channels as the general public, appealing for allocations from the government's limited community service budget.

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How Malaysian States and Their Strongmen Shape Urban Development: An Examination of the Sibu Municipal Council

Ngu I., Liaw P.W.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

In the Federation of Malaysia, the state government has a dominant role in the management and administration of local authorities as well as in allocating resources. This paper takes a bottom-up perspective to look at the dependence of the Sibu Municipal Council on the Sarawak state government and strongman. It begins by showing how the existing legal and political frameworks enable the formation of a strongman government and then addresses the state government's control over resources for local development. Then, it zooms into the local politics of Sibu, showcasing the patron–client relations between the state strongman and local business groups in Sarawak. However, it argues that the power of strongman politicians is not unchecked but constrained by the political framework. The later part of this paper features the political-economic networks of the state strongman in Johor to show that the strongman phenomenon is not particular to Sarawak.

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National–Local Synergies for Development: How a Local Political Machine Delivered Infrastructure Results in Iloilo City

Hall R.A.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

The upsurge in big-ticket infrastructure projects in Iloilo City for the past two decades owes much to the developmental alliance amongst Senator Franklin Drilon as the national government benefactor, multi-term city mayors, and the local business sector. These government officials’ prolonged tenure in office afforded a stable political leadership that ensured long-term planning around key infrastructure projects and continued access to national government funding. Robust institutional and informal ties between political and economic elites enabled consensus-building on the virtues of market-driven growth for which infrastructure is key. The Drilon political machine orchestrated a diverse but astutely networked group of local businesses by involving them in formal participatory planning processes, thereby facilitating approval of big-ticket items, and by influencing bureaucrats from national government agencies to approve the projects.

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Coattailing for Regime Continuity?: Unraveling Duterte's Legacy in Marcos Jr.'s 2022 Electoral Victory

Mendoza G.A., Deinla I.B., Domingo C.L., Yap J.K.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

The electoral victory of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has been attributed to a range of factors such as misinformation, patronage, and populism. We argue that Marcos’ electoral victory should not be treated as an isolated instantaneous event, but rather a result of a shift in the country's political narrative due to the legacy of his predecessor. The shift to illiberal populism is tied to the public's continued support for Duterte's flagship policies as well as in the proliferation of populist rhetoric on social media. Using a non-probability survey of 1500 Filipinos, we find that support for President Duterte and his policies as well as trust in social media are significantly correlated with votes for Marcos Jr. It appears like Marcos Jr.'s investment in a social media campaign has paid off not just in terms of votes received but also in strengthening his image as a populist leader.

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The Limits of Local Power: Business, Political Conflict, and Coastal Reclamation Projects in Makassar, Indonesia

Sari L.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 1,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

Since the fall of Indonesia's Suharto regime in 1998, politics in Makassar, the capital of South Sulawesi province, has been characterised by a competitive form of elite domination. Major political families, most with roots in the ruling elite of the Suharto period, have captured power and used it to further their economic interests while engaging in bitter intra-elite feuds. Through studies of three large-scale coastal reclamation projects, the study reveals patterns of interaction between political elites and business groups in the province. Successive mayors and governors have sponsored rival reclamation projects, directing tenders toward favoured business partners and sidelining allies of rivals. Yet these projects also reveal the limits of power of local politicians: while they support favoured local partners, none has been able to sideline large national conglomerates involved in these projects. Instead, big investors are more or less immune to local political change.

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Perspectives and Prospects for International Water Law in the ASEAN Region: Is There an ASEAN Way to Transboundary Water Cooperation Under International Law?

Devlaeminck D.J.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

Around the world there are over 300 transboundary watercourses and around 500 transboundary groundwater bodies shared by two or more States. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) region contains forty-one transboundary surface and groundwater bodies shared between ten ASEAN States and the five non-ASEAN States at its periphery. As transboundary water resources they are governed under international law found in a series of layers across a spectrum of bindingness (customary international law, global–regional–multilateral–bilateral agreements and non-binding instruments). Through an analysis of the international law relevant to the governance of transboundary water resources in the region, this study seeks to explore the ASEAN approach to transboundary water governance under international law. While this analysis finds that there is no uniform practice across the region, the paper concludes with possible paths forward for the legalization of transboundary water cooperation.

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The Politics of Government–Business Relations in Urban Southeast Asia: Introduction and Overview

Hutchcroft P.D., Aspinall E., Weiss M.L., Hicken A.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 1,

open access

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Обзор, PDF, doi.org, Abstract

Recognising the increasingly urban character of Southeast Asian politics, our introduction to this special issue explores the varied patterns of government–business relations found across the region. In some urban centres, businesses form collusive rent-seeking relations with mayors and other politicians; in others, they support governance reform and urban renewal. In beginning to unpick this variation, we briefly highlight what we can learn from literatures on national-level government–business relations and subnational politics – emphasising that local-level government–business relations commonly diverge in significant ways from those at the national level. Next, we survey the articles that follow through three themes: relative strengths of local government and business across distinct urban settings; changes over time in the presence and efficacy of development coalitions spanning government and business; and recent innovations in government–business ties in certain cities. We end by calling for increased research into this important but poorly understood topic.

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Business and Politics in Urban Indonesia: Patrimonialism, Oligarchy and the State in Two Towns

Haryanto, Mahsun M.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

Studies of the Indonesian political economy suggest a transformation of government-business relationship from a “patrimonial administrative” state, in which bureaucrats are dominant, to a “patrimonial oligarchic” state dominated by business actors. We examine this proposition by analysing government-business relationship in two towns: a town in Sulawesi, dominated by trade, and a town with a strong industrial base in Java. In the first, politics still approximates that of a patrimonial administrative state with a weak business sector and a dominant bureaucracy. In the second, a local business dynasty has come to power, but without promoting regularisation of state-business relationship. Despite the differences, patronage politics are similarly dominant in both locations, which we illustrate by zeroing in on the construction sector and the distribution of infrastructure projects. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for the nature of urban politics in Indonesia, underscoring the significance of patronage across a range of settings.

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The Business of Governing Penang: Workarounds as Remedy?

Xin Ying C., Weiss M.L., Yeoh T.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

The state of Penang, including city councils for island Pulau Pinang (with urban-core George Town) and mainland Seberang Perai, has negotiated at least a degree of political marginalisation since independence. Ruled previously by a secondary partner in the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front), and since 2008, by the Democratic Action Party and its coalition partners, the economically powerful state has negotiated constrained autonomy and resources. While to some extent, these governing challenges are common to all states in Malaysia's highly centralised federation, in other ways, they reflect Penang's specific political position. Penang's leadership has sought in particular ways to circumvent inertia or divided loyalties among bureaucrats from the federal, rather than a state-level, civil service. Central to that solution has been reliance on an array of state government-linked corporations, facilitating administration, but at possible cost to clear accountability, transparency, and promised empowerment of civil society.

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Authoritarian Nostalgia and Democratic Decline in Contemporary Indonesia

Kimura E., Istania R., Afrimadona, Imawan R.P., Ramadhan D.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

This paper investigates the phenomenon of authoritarian nostalgia in Indonesian politics. Drawing on data from a Populi Center public opinion survey, we explore the characteristics, patterns and workings of authoritarian nostalgia. On the one hand, we find authoritarian nostalgia prevalent in the survey data and also anecdotally. Many in the public remember the New Order era fondly and have positive impressions of President Soeharto despite 32 years of military authoritarian rule. At the same time, we find that much of the nostalgia revolves around economic issues. Furthermore, our study shows that key age cohorts who lived during the New Order period have the most support for the authoritarian era. This paper also contributes to our understanding on how Indonesian people perceive and behave to their current Indonesian political development.

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The Fizzling of “Ceboom”: How Jurisdictional Battles and Warring Factions Undermined Cebu's Development Coalition

Hutchcroft P.D., Gera W.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

Starting in the late 1980s, in a phenomenon dubbed “Ceboom,” Cebu City and its surrounding metropolitan area attracted national envy and international attention as a leading centre of growth within a country facing many economic challenges. This article focuses first on the development coalition in the heyday of Ceboom (1988–1998) and proceeds through two subsequent periods in which this coalition declined (1998–2016) and then effectively collapsed (2016–present). Two important factors explain the fizzling of Ceboom. First, dysfunctional jurisdictional structures inhibit the emergence of coherent metropolitan governance; second, these underlying structural impediments feed into, and are exacerbated by, intense competition among warring factions involving city- and provincial-level politicians. Cebu's metropolitan region, we argue, will not be able to address multiple pressing development challenges without a coherent system of governance linking its many components; sadly, we do not see how this is likely to emerge in the foreseeable future.

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Linking Local Insights to Global IR: Locating Malaysian Contours and Contributions

Kuik C., Benny G.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

This article traces the trajectories, theoretical propensities, and thematic insights underlying Malaysian scholarly thinking and writings about international relations (IR). It argues that while their contributions to the Global IR research program have been indirect and implicit, they are not insignificant. The contributions are not claims of exceptionalism but expressions of diverse experiences, perspectives, and narratives that are reflective of the contesting, yet recurring logics significant for understanding and explaining small- and medium-sized states’ behavior in an anarchical world. Three themes are particularly pertinent: (1) external policy choices are extensions of internal attributes; (2) small-state outlook on regionalism and multilateralism; and (3) middle-state alignment behavior. Local insights contribute to Global IR by enriching, expanding, and exporting national narratives and regional mindsets into thematic thrusts pertinent for making sense of similar cases elsewhere, thereby pluralizing the universality and inclusivity of IR concepts and theories.

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The Evolution and Institutionalisation of Business–Government Relations: Public–Private Partnerships in Khon Kaen, Thailand

Laochankham S., Kamnuansilpa P., Hicken A.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

How does the nature of business–government relations shape the capacity of local governments to accomplish their development objectives? How do different patterns of business–government interaction affect the quantity and quality of public services and the ability of citizens to hold policymakers accountable for their performance? This article attempts to answer these questions in the context of one municipality in Thailand, Khon Kaen City. We argue that the political economy of business–government relationships in Khon Kaen can be divided into three eras, each defined by a different model of business–government interaction: the government-led model, the contracting model, and the public–private partnership model. We describe how the character of business–government relationships has changed across these different models, focusing on three dimensions: (1) the degree to which ties are formalised or institutionalised, (2) the extent to which local businesses coordinate, cooperate, or collude amongst themselves, and (3) the distribution of power between the local government and businesses. We also analyse the drivers behind the shift from one model to another and consider the implications of each for local development and service provision, patterns of rent-seeking, and levels of accountability and participation.

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They Never Left: Drivers of Memory of Dictatorship and Impressions of Ferdinand E. Marcos as President After February 1986

Tigno J.V., Ducanes G.M., Rood S., Licudine V.J.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

Between 1972 and 1986, Ferdinand E. Marcos of the Philippines headed an autocratic system that allowed him to rule with little to no accountability. Some 36 years after FM (as he is popularly called) and family were driven from power into exile in Hawaii, his son, Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos, Jr., was overwhelmingly elected President in the May 2022 general elections. This turnaround seemed puzzling to many, but others saw a long-term deliberate process of rehabilitation after the family returned to the Philippines. Our paper explores how Filipinos remembered FM in the years after his ouster. What drives the memory of dictatorship in the Philippines? Using time series data on public opinion about FM post-ouster, we find that a generally positive appreciation of Marcos as former president had crystallised early on across nearly all the major variables of age, sex, education, location and ethnicity.

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Challenges and Prospects for Urban Peacebuilding in Post-Siege Marawi City, Philippines: People, Places, and Practices

Simangan D.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

Much has been written about rebuilding conflict-affected societies, but its implementation in urban contexts needs further examination. In urban studies, some scholars have highlighted the relationship between urban dynamics and the conditions for peace and conflict. Meanwhile, critical peace scholars have emphasised the value of everyday practices for peacebuilding. This study situates the conventional peacebuilding components of security, reconciliation, and development within Marawi City's people, places, and practices to advance an integrated framework for analysing urban peacebuilding. The data for analysis draws on focus group discussions around the issues of security (e.g., clearance of unexploded ordnances), reconciliation (particularly the return of displaced persons), and development (i.e., the resumption of livelihoods). Results show that identity, spatiality, and relationality are entangled in post-conflict cities like Marawi, posing complex and unique challenges to peacebuilding efforts. Therefore, sustaining peace in post-conflict cities needs careful consideration of the urban characteristics of the people, places, and practices that influence peacebuilding.

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Biopolitics in Rebel-Controlled Myanmar: Exploring Why the United League of Arakan Supports the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone

Chu T., Jonathan S., Lynn K.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

In this article, we explore why the Myanmar-based insurgency organisation known as the United League of Arakan (ULA) supports the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone (KSEZ): a controversial Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) project. We argue that the ULA's support for the KSEZ is rooted in a biopolitics that benefits the ULA by attractively showcasing its insurgent aims and by effectively boosting its local authority. The ULA's pro-KSEZ policy partially explains why the KSEZ, unlike other BRI projects in junta-led Myanmar, has enjoyed moderate success. Despite its biopolitical benefits, the ULA's pro-KSEZ policy has marginalised certain anti-KSEZ actors in the rebel organisation's sphere of control. The resulting fragmentation may both destabilise the ULA's hard-fought social order and undermine the prospects of the KSEZ. Our examination of the ULA–KSEZ relationship empirically contributes to BRI-in-Myanmar research, which has heretofore paid little attention to rebel-controlled societies’ significant influence on foreign-led domestic development projects.

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Roots of Resilience: Interests and Values in Thai Foreign Policy

Chachavalpongpun P.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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PDF, doi.org, Abstract

This article reinterprets the Thai discourse of bamboo diplomacy. In a normative study of Thai foreign policy, bamboo diplomacy has been readily taken as a self-explanatory approach behind the resilience of Thailand's position through bending with the prevailing wind of international politics for its survival. However, the oversimplification of this view of bamboo diplomacy belittles the reality in which the making of Thai foreign policy demands careful calculations and even sacrifices from the political elites. Proposing a reinterpretation of Thai diplomacy, the article argues that Thai bamboo diplomacy has been shaped by the interplay between interests and values as a basis of the shift of Thai positions and alliances throughout the country's history. A main research question is: Under which condition is a values-based Thai foreign policy formulated and implemented? While the interests-driven approach has remained central to Thai foreign policy, Thailand has demonstrated some resilience in its shift towards a values-based foreign policy if dictated by domestic and international factors. Under this circumstance, values are vital as a legitimisation mechanism for the shift of foreign policy and alliances for the ultimate attainment of national interests.

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Book Review: Singapore and Multilateral Governance. Securing our Future by Heyzer Noeleen

Toh Han Yang A.

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Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 2024, цитирований: 0,

open access

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Обзор, PDF, doi.org